Welfare, Inequality and Social Citizenship: Deprivation and Affluence in Austerity Britain by Daniel Edmiston

Author:Daniel Edmiston [Edmiston, Daniel]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Public Policy, Social Science, Political Science, Social Security, Poverty & Homelessness
ISBN: 9781447355588
Google: dDDNDwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 49693497
Publisher: Policy Press
Published: 2018-03-07T00:00:00+00:00

Conceiving and enacting responsible citizenship

When discussing social citizenship, there is some evidence to suggest that people find it ‘much easier to talk about responsibilities than rights’ (Lister et al, 2003: 251). When asked what they think it means to be a responsible citizen, rich and poor citizens articulated a range of attitudes towards the responsibilities of social citizenship and these extended well beyond institutional and juridical duties. Those experiencing deprivation were more likely to see responsibility as something expressed in relation to and with others. Rather than focusing on individual responsibilities, these participants tended to ground their conceptions of responsibility in principles of collectivism and solidarity. A number felt that care, respect and dignity should be core inalienable features of both private and public life:

‘I think it’s about a way of life, rather than money, being responsible towards other human beings, just treat everyone with some respect and dignity.’ (Amber, ‘deprived’)

In order to realise these goals, many believed that common and collective responsibilities should be expected of all citizens. It was felt that these responsibilities should be embedded within institutional action and public provision but also through interpersonal and communal duties:

‘You’re responsible for everybody, everybody’s safety.’ (Tom, ‘deprived’)

‘being honest, love your neighbours as you love yourself.’ (Beth, ‘deprived’)

In many respects, these participants viewed care as a key right and responsibility of citizenship. Some experiencing deprivation also suggested that work and ‘respecting the law’ were important responsibilities of citizenship. However, this “‘hyper-conventional’ valuing of work” was not as prevalent as it has been in other qualitative research with economically marginalised groups (for example, MacDonald, 2008). Interestingly, deprived individuals tended to talk about responsibilities in a way that stressed a duty to others, rather than a duty to the (welfare) state. Care, work and obeying the law were not only seen as significant in isolation; they were also seen as having repercussions at an aggregate level. By contrast, affluent individuals tended to talk about responsibilities in more fragmented terms. An exchange-oriented conception of citizenship appeared to pervade much of their discussion surrounding welfare and civic duty. As a result, rich citizens tended to individualise the fulfilment of responsibilities and underplay their actual and potential effects on others.

Affluent individuals tended to see economic self-sufficiency and self-reliance as a cornerstone of responsible citizenship. In keeping with other research (for example, Baxter and Kane, 1995; Dean, 2004), they were particularly contradictory about their own valorised independence and the legitimate dependency of their families. Some felt that responsibility was exemplified by financial contribution through the fulfilment of tax liabilities. Affluent individuals were also more inclined to stress the importance and value of paid work. A number went further to suggest that hard work was a signifier of responsible behaviour. For these individuals it was important to work as hard as you can, rather than as much as you need to:

‘To work hard, as hard as you can. To pay your taxes.’ (Sophie, ‘affluent’)

By contrast, those in a precarious financial position were more likely to see work and income as a means to living ‘a manageable life’.

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